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The Vermilion Parish School Board has agreed to rescind an unlawful plan for mandatory sex-segregated classrooms, at the request of the ACLU of Louisiana. Rene A. Rost Middle School was slated to begin this school year with girls-only and boys-only classes, without obtaining parental consent or providing a coeducational education as required by law. Students at other Vermilion Parish schools were segregated by sex in previous school years, also without parental consent or choice. On August 20, the School Board decided to make single-sex classes optional and to provide coeducational classes at all levels and in all schools, as the law requires.
Beyond teaching boys about male anatomy and girls about female anatomy, reformers and educators often conveyed different messages and used different materials, depending on the race of their students. Erratic desegregation efforts during the Civil Rights movement renewed a crisis in sex education programs. Parents and administrators considered sexuality education even more dangerous in the context of a racially integrated classroom. The backlash against sex education in the schools kept pace with the backlash against integration, with each often used to bolster the other. Opponents of integration and sex education, for example, often used racial language to scare parents about what kids were learning, and with whom.
Racial segregation for sex education was even more pronounced within schools. Jim Crow dominated the American South, but the North and West practiced racial segregation in less formal ways. So classroom lessons on sexuality were likely to be inflected by assumptions about racial and gender differences, assuming that white girls maintained sexual purity, white boys were aggressive, and nonwhite children were perceived as dangerously promiscuous.16 Within schools, outside professionals delivered lectures to form the backbone of sex education, although integrated sex education programs entered multiple disciplines such as biology and physical education. Often these lessons segregated students on the basis of sex, with girls in one class and boys in another. Boys and girls had little direct communication with one another regarding sex, nor did they learn about communication between the genders.
In general, course materials used white, middle-class, heterosexual families as the norm. However, documentary films like Palmour Street, featuring a southern African American family, were shown in FLE classes in Oregon to predominantly white audiences. Black churches and other community organizations worked to shape youth programs to provide safe recreation and information for young people, with mixed success.37 Reticence on the part of churches in particular meant that much of the community-organized adolescent programs focused on respectability, rather than on forthright information.38 But dependence on schools as the arbiter of sex education left communities of color at a disadvantage as well. As scholar Laina Bay-Cheng has noted, school-based sex education has throughout its history has failed to address race, gender, and class adequately. The lessons continue to be shaped by sexist, racist, and classist notions.39
Menstrual hygiene management (MHM) at school is constrained by poor access to water and sanitation, lack of privacy and limited education about menstrual hygiene1 as well as social stigma and cultural restrictions on activities.2 Menstruation poses a set of physical, sociocultural and economic challenges to adolescent girls that may interfere with their ability to attend school or to participate fully in classroom.3
The girls were asked if they missed class during their last three menstrual cycles, the average number of days they were absent per cycle during their last three cycles and whether they thought MHM problems impacted school performance. Finally, we reviewed the national education curriculum for grades 2 to 9 to understand the current menstrual hygiene education syllabus and textbook material.
This study identified several weaknesses in the current school curriculum on menstruation. The strict biological focus of school textbooks provided no opportunity for constructive discussion of healthy attitudes44 or salient social and religious issues. Moreover, teaching reproductive health is not mandated by the government. Even where schools had some course material on menstruation, 91% of girls reported that they had never received menstrual hygiene education sessions at school. Students who did receive formal education sessions usually participated in such classes after commencing menstruation. Less than 1% of students cited school teachers as a source of information regarding menstruation. Our study suggests several reasons why schools in Bangladesh provide so little useful education on menstruation. First, the national education curriculum and textbooks do not address the important social and cultural issues regarding menstruation. Second, the lack of timely information contributes to poor menstrual hygiene practices45 and increased risk of urinary tract infection.46 Third, only 22% of secondary school teachers are women in Bangladesh, compared with 61% of primary school teachers. Girls may not feel comfortable discussing menstruation with men.26 45 46 Improving menstrual education to Bangladeshi girls requires two steps: first, schools and the education board need to be persuaded to consider menstrual hygiene as part of their educational mission. Second, the timing, content and delivery of the menstrual curriculum need to be revised to better address the needs of girls.
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